Selvom republikanerne havde lovet en kamp helt ud i det absurde for at trække vedtagelsen i langdrag, kom loven overraskende hurtigt igennem. I stedet besluttede Senatet at hærdre en tidligere kollega, der livet igennem drømte om sunhedssikring for alle amerikanere. Helt som Ted Kennedy drømte det, blev det ikke. Men hans tidligere kolleger fandt værdigheden frem og holdt et minuts stilhed for at hærdre den gamle senats-løve:

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Relaterede poster:

1. “The Kennedy Brothers” – en dokumentar af Chris Matthews fra Hardball på MSNBC om Kennedy-brødrene
2. Ted Kennedy i video om “True Compass”
3. “Meet the Press” i særlig udgave om Ted Kennedy

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Madame Speaker, Vice President Biden, Members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:
Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For two hundred and twenty years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They have done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they have done so in the midst of war and depression; at moments of great strife and great struggle.

It’s tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress was inevitable – that America was always destined to succeed. But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt. When the market crashed on Black Tuesday and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our union. And despite all our divisions and disagreements; our hesitations and our fears; America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation, and one people.

Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history’s call.

One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a government deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted – immediately and aggressively. And one year later, the worst of the storm has passed.

But the devastation remains. One in ten Americans still cannot find work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard. For those who had already known poverty, life has become that much harder.

This recession has also compounded the burdens that America’s families have been dealing with for decades – the burden of working harder and longer for less; of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids with college.

So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They’re not new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These struggles are what I’ve witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Indiana and Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by children – asking why they have to move from their home, or when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.

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For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don’t understand why it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded but hard work on Main Street isn’t; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems. They are tired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness. They know we can’t afford it. Not now.

So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people hope – what they deserve – is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome the numbing weight of our politics. For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds, different stories and different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The aspirations they hold are shared. A job that pays the bills. A chance to get ahead. Most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.

You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids; starting businesses and going back to school. They’re coaching little league and helping their neighbors. As one woman wrote me, “We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged.”

It is because of this spirit – this great decency and great strength – that I have never been more hopeful about America’s future than I am tonight. Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up. We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. In this new decade, it’s time the American people get a government that matches their decency; that embodies their strength.

And tonight, I’d like to talk about how together, we can deliver on that promise.

It begins with our economy.

Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if there’s one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans, it’s that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it. You hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal.

But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn’t just do what was popular – I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would have surely been lost.

So I supported the last administration’s efforts to create the financial rescue program. And when we took the program over, we made it more transparent and accountable. As a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we have recovered most of the money we spent on the banks.

To recover the rest, I have proposed a fee on the biggest banks. I know Wall Street isn’t keen on this idea, but if these firms can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need.

As we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help Americans who had become unemployed.

That’s why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more than 18 million Americans; made health insurance 65% cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA; and passed 25 different tax cuts.

Let me repeat: we cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95% of working families. We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers. We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children. We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for college. As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas, and food, and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more workers. And we haven’t raised income taxes by a single dime on a single person. Not a single dime.

Because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. 200,000 work in construction and clean energy. 300,000 are teachers and other education workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers, and first responders. And we are on track to add another one and a half million jobs to this total by the end of the year.

The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is the Recovery Act. That’s right – the Recovery Act, also known as the Stimulus Bill. Economists on the left and the right say that this bill has helped saved jobs and avert disaster. But you don’t have to take their word for it.

Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because of the Recovery Act.

Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts just because of the business it created.

Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn’t be laid off after all.

There are stories like this all across America. And after two years of recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started to gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire again.

But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our number one focus in 2010, and that is why I am calling for a new jobs bill tonight.

Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be America’s businesses. But government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers.

We should start where most new jobs do – in small businesses, companies that begin when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or a worker decides its time she became her own boss.

Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered the recession and are ready to grow. But when you talk to small business owners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they are mostly lending to bigger companies. But financing remains difficult for small business owners across the country.

So tonight, I’m proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. I am also proposing a new small business tax credit – one that will go to over one million small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages. While we’re at it, let’s also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment; and provide a tax incentive for all businesses, large and small, to invest in new plants and equipment.

Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of tomorrow. From the first railroads to the interstate highway system, our nation has always been built to compete. There’s no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains, or the new factories that manufacture clean energy products.

Tomorrow, I’ll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. There are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs and help our nation move goods, services, and information. We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities, and give rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy efficient, which supports clean energy jobs. And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it’s time to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas and give those tax breaks to companies that create jobs in the United States of America.

The House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps. As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same. People are out of work. They are hurting. They need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay.

But the truth is, these steps still won’t make up for the seven million jobs we’ve lost over the last two years. The only way to move to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth, and finally address the problems that America’s families have confronted for years.

We cannot afford another so-called economic “expansion” like the one from last decade – what some call the “lost decade” – where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation.

From the day I took office, I have been told that addressing our larger challenges is too ambitious – that such efforts would be too contentious, that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we should just put things on hold for awhile.

For those who make these claims, I have one simple question:

How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold?

You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China’s not waiting to revamp its economy. Germany’s not waiting. India’s not waiting. These nations aren’t standing still. These nations aren’t playing for second place. They’re putting more emphasis on math and science. They’re rebuilding their infrastructure. They are making serious investments in clean energy because they want those jobs.

Well I do not accept second-place for the United States of America. As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates may be, it’s time to get serious about fixing the problems that are hampering our growth.

One place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am not interested in punishing banks, I’m interested in protecting our economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the savings of families into investments that raise incomes. But that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire economy.

We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have the information they need to make financial decisions. We can’t allow financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole economy.

The House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes. And the lobbyists are already trying to kill it. Well, we cannot let them win this fight. And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back.

Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made the largest investment in basic research funding in history – an investment that could lead to the world’s cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched. And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see the results of last year’s investment in clean energy – in the North Carolina company that will create 1200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries; or in the California business that will put 1,000 people to work making solar panels.

But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives. That means building a new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. It means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development. It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies. And yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America.

I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. This year, I am eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate. I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such changes in a tough economy; and I know that there are those who disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change. But even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future – because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy. And America must be that nation.

Third, we need to export more of our goods. Because the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in America. So tonight, we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support two million jobs in America. To help meet this goal, we’re launching a National Export Initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase their exports, and reform export controls consistent with national security.

We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the rules. And that’s why we will continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea, Panama, and Colombia.

Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people.

This year, we have broken through the stalemate between left and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools. The idea here is simple: instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform – reform that raises student achievement, inspires students to excel in math and science, and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from rural communities to inner-cities. In the 21st century, one of the best anti-poverty programs is a world-class education. In this country, the success of our children cannot depend more on where they live than their potential.

When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with Congress to expand these reforms to all fifty states. Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the children of so many working families. To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer-subsidies that go to banks for student loans. Instead, let’s take that money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell Grants. And let’s tell another one million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only ten percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after twenty years – and forgiven after ten years if they choose a career in public service. Because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because they chose to go to college. And it’s time for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs – because they too have a responsibility to help solve this problem.

Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the middle-class. That’s why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force on Middle-Class Families. That’s why we’re nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving every worker access to a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg. That’s why we’re working to lift the value of a family’s single largest investment – their home. The steps we took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments. This year, we will step up re-financing so that homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages. And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families that we still need health insurance reform.

Now let’s be clear – I did not choose to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didn’t take on health care because it was good politics.

I took on health care because of the stories I’ve heard from Americans with pre-existing conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage; patients who’ve been denied coverage; and families – even those with insurance – who are just one illness away from financial ruin.

After nearly a century of trying, we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach we’ve taken would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry. It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive market. It would require every insurance plan to cover preventive care. And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make our kids healthier.

Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums for millions of families and businesses. And according to the Congressional Budget Office – the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress – our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over the next two decades.

Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that with all the lobbying and horse-trading, this process left most Americans wondering what’s in it for them.

But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I’m finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow. Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not walk away from these Americans, and neither should the people in this chamber.

As temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan we’ve proposed. There’s a reason why many doctors, nurses, and health care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop insurance company abuses, let me know. Here’s what I ask of Congress, though: Do not walk away from reform. Not now. Not when we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people.

Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it’s not enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves. It’s a challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one that’s been subject to a lot of political posturing.

So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the record straight. At the beginning of the last decade, America had a budget surplus of over $200 billion. By the time I took office, we had a one year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade. Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription drug program. On top of that, the effects of the recession put a $3 trillion hole in our budget. That was before I walked in the door.

Now if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit. But we took office amid a crisis, and our efforts to prevent a second Depression have added another $1 trillion to our national debt.

I am absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families across the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions. The federal government should do the same. So tonight, I’m proposing specific steps to pay for the $1 trillion that it took to rescue the economy last year.

Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for three years. Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will not be affected. But all other discretionary government programs will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don’t. And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will.

We will continue to go through the budget line by line to eliminate programs that we can’t afford and don’t work. We’ve already identified $20 billion in savings for next year. To help working families, we will extend our middle-class tax cuts. But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, investment fund managers, and those making over $250,000 a year. We just can’t afford it.

Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we will still face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly, the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket. That’s why I’ve called for a bipartisan, Fiscal Commission, modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad. This can’t be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem. The Commission will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline. Yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission. So I will issue an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans. And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason why we had record surpluses in the 1990s.

I know that some in my own party will argue that we cannot address the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting. I agree, which is why this freeze will not take effect until next year, when the economy is stronger. But understand – if we do not take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, and jeopardize our recovery – all of which could have an even worse effect on our job growth and family incomes.

From some on the right, I expect we’ll hear a different argument – that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts for wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, and maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away. The problem is, that’s what we did for eight years. That’s what helped lead us into this crisis. It’s what helped lead to these deficits. And we cannot do it again.

Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for decades, it’s time to try something new. Let’s invest in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let’s meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let’s try common sense.

To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust – deep and corrosive doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To close that credibility gap we must take action on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue to end the outsized influence of lobbyists; to do our work openly; and to give our people the government they deserve.

That’s what I came to Washington to do. That’s why – for the first time in history – my Administration posts our White House visitors online. And that’s why we’ve excluded lobbyists from policy-making jobs or seats on federal boards and commissions.

But we can’t stop there. It’s time to require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client with my Administration or Congress. And it’s time to put strict limits on the contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for federal office. Last week, the Supreme Court reversed a century of law to open the floodgates for special interests – including foreign corporations – to spend without limit in our elections. Well I don’t think American elections should be bankrolled by America’s most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities. They should be decided by the American people, and that’s why I’m urging Democrats and Republicans to pass a bill that helps to right this wrong.

I’m also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform. You have trimmed some of this spending and embraced some meaningful change. But restoring the public trust demands more. For example, some members of Congress post some earmark requests online. Tonight, I’m calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single website before there’s a vote so that the American people can see how their money is being spent.

Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don’t also reform how we work with one another.

Now, I am not naïve. I never thought the mere fact of my election would usher in peace, harmony, and some post-partisan era. I knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched. And on some issues, there are simply philosophical differences that will always cause us to part ways. These disagreements, about the role of government in our lives, about our national priorities and our national security, have been taking place for over two hundred years. They are the very essence of our democracy.

But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every day is Election Day. We cannot wage a perpetual campaign where the only goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about their opponent – a belief that if you lose, I win. Neither party should delay or obstruct every single bill just because they can. The confirmation of well-qualified public servants should not be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few individual Senators. Washington may think that saying anything about the other side, no matter how false, is just part of the game. But it is precisely such politics that has stopped either party from helping the American people. Worse yet, it is sowing further division among our citizens and further distrust in our government.

So no, I will not give up on changing the tone of our politics. I know it’s an election year. And after last week, it is clear that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual. But we still need to govern. To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve some problems, not run for the hills. And if the Republican leadership is going to insist that sixty votes in the Senate are required to do any business at all in this town, then the responsibility to govern is now yours as well. Just saying no to everything may be good short-term politics, but it’s not leadership. We were sent here to serve our citizens, not our ambitions. So let’s show the American people that we can do it together. This week, I’ll be addressing a meeting of the House Republicans. And I would like to begin monthly meetings with both the Democratic and Republican leadership. I know you can’t wait.

Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than our security. Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has dissipated. We can argue all we want about who’s to blame for this, but I am not interested in re-litigating the past. I know that all of us love this country. All of us are committed to its defense. So let’s put aside the schoolyard taunts about who is tough. Let’s reject the false choice between protecting our people and upholding our values. Let’s leave behind the fear and division, and do what it takes to defend our nation and forge a more hopeful future – for America and the world.

That is the work we began last year. Since the day I took office, we have renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our nation. We have made substantial investments in our homeland security and disrupted plots that threatened to take American lives. We are filling unacceptable gaps revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better airline security, and swifter action on our intelligence. We have prohibited torture and strengthened partnerships from the Pacific to South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula. And in the last year, hundreds of Al Qaeda’s fighters and affiliates, including many senior leaders, have been captured or killed – far more than in 2008.

In Afghanistan, we are increasing our troops and training Afghan Security Forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011, and our troops can begin to come home. We will reward good governance, reduce corruption, and support the rights of all Afghans – men and women alike. We are joined by allies and partners who have increased their own commitment, and who will come together tomorrow in London to reaffirm our common purpose. There will be difficult days ahead. But I am confident we will succeed.

As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to its people. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and that is what I am doing as President. We will have all of our combat troops out of Iraq by the end of this August. We will support the Iraqi government as they hold elections, and continue to partner with the Iraqi people to promote regional peace and prosperity. But make no mistake: this war is ending, and all of our troops are coming home.

Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform — in Iraq, Afghanistan, and around the world – must know that they have our respect, our gratitude, and our full support. And just as they must have the resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility to support them when they come home. That is why we made the largest increase in investments for veterans in decades. That is why we are building a 21st century VA. And that is why Michelle has joined with Jill Biden to forge a national commitment to support military families.

Even as we prosecute two wars, we are also confronting perhaps the greatest danger to the American people – the threat of nuclear weapons. I have embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons, and seeks a world without them. To reduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring our deterrent, the United States and Russia are completing negotiations on the farthest-reaching arms control treaty in nearly two decades. And at April’s Nuclear Security Summit, we will bring forty-four nations together behind a clear goal: securing all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world in four years, so that they never fall into the hands of terrorists.

These diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in dealing with those nations that insist on violating international agreements in pursuit of these weapons. That is why North Korea now faces increased isolation, and stronger sanctions – sanctions that are being vigorously enforced. That is why the international community is more united, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is more isolated. And as Iran’s leaders continue to ignore their obligations, there should be no doubt: they, too, will face growing consequences.

That is the leadership that we are providing – engagement that advances the common security and prosperity of all people. We are working through the G-20 to sustain a lasting global recovery. We are working with Muslim communities around the world to promote science, education and innovation. We have gone from a bystander to a leader in the fight against climate change. We are helping developing countries to feed themselves, and continuing the fight against HIV/AIDS. And we are launching a new initiative that will give us the capacity to respond faster and more effectively to bio-terrorism or an infectious disease – a plan that will counter threats at home, and strengthen public health abroad.

As we have for over sixty years, America takes these actions because our destiny is connected to those beyond our shores. But we also do it because it is right. That is why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000 Americans are working with many nations to help the people of Haiti recover and rebuild. That is why we stand with the girl who yearns to go to school in Afghanistan; we support the human rights of the women marching through the streets of Iran; and we advocate for the young man denied a job by corruption in Guinea. For America must always stand on the side of freedom and human dignity.

Abroad, America’s greatest source of strength has always been our ideals. The same is true at home. We find unity in our incredible diversity, drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution: the notion that we are all created equal, that no matter who you are or what you look like, if you abide by the law you should be protected by it; that if you adhere to our common values you should be treated no different than anyone else.

We must continually renew this promise. My Administration has a Civil Rights Division that is once again prosecuting civil rights violations and employment discrimination. We finally strengthened our laws to protect against crimes driven by hate. This year, I will work with Congress and our military to finally repeal the law that denies gay Americans the right to serve the country they love because of who they are. We are going to crack down on violations of equal pay laws – so that women get equal pay for an equal day’s work. And we should continue the work of fixing our broken immigration system – to secure our borders, enforce our laws, and ensure that everyone who plays by the rules can contribute to our economy and enrich our nations.

In the end, it is our ideals, our values, that built America – values that allowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from every corner of the globe; values that drive our citizens still. Every day, Americans meet their responsibilities to their families and their employers. Time and again, they lend a hand to their neighbors and give back to their country. They take pride in their labor, and are generous in spirit. These aren’t Republican values or Democratic values they’re living by; business values or labor values. They are American values.

Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our biggest institutions – our corporations, our media, and yes, our government – still reflect these same values. Each of these institutions are full of honorable men and women doing important work that helps our country prosper. But each time a CEO rewards himself for failure, or a banker puts the rest of us at risk for his own selfish gain, people’s doubts grow. Each time lobbyists game the system or politicians tear each other down instead of lifting this country up, we lose faith. The more that TV pundits reduce serious debates into silly arguments, and big issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away.

No wonder there’s so much cynicism out there.

No wonder there’s so much disappointment.

I campaigned on the promise of change – change we can believe in, the slogan went. And right now, I know there are many Americans who aren’t sure if they still believe we can change – or at least, that I can deliver it.

But remember this – I never suggested that change would be easy, or that I can do it alone. Democracy in a nation of three hundred million people can be noisy and messy and complicated. And when you try to do big things and make big changes, it stirs passions and controversy. That’s just how it is.

Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing it safe and avoid telling hard truths. We can do what’s necessary to keep our poll numbers high, and get through the next election instead of doing what’s best for the next generation.

But I also know this: if people had made that decision fifty years ago or one hundred years ago or two hundred years ago, we wouldn’t be here tonight. The only reason we are is because generations of Americans were unafraid to do what was hard; to do what was needed even when success was uncertain; to do what it took to keep the dream of this nation alive for their children and grandchildren.

Our administration has had some political setbacks this year, and some of them were deserved. But I wake up every day knowing that they are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all across this country have faced this year. And what keeps me going – what keeps me fighting – is that despite all these setbacks, that spirit of determination and optimism – that fundamental decency that has always been at the core of the American people – lives on.

It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me of his company, “None of us,” he said, “…are willing to consider, even slightly, that we might fail.”

It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her neighbors have felt the pain of recession, “We are strong. We are resilient. We are American.”

It lives on in the 8-year old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti. And it lives on in all the Americans who’ve dropped everything to go some place they’ve never been and pull people they’ve never known from rubble, prompting chants of “U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A!” when another life was saved.

The spirit that has sustained this nation for more than two centuries lives on in you, its people.

We have finished a difficult year. We have come through a difficult decade. But a new year has come. A new decade stretches before us. We don’t quit. I don’t quit. Let’s seize this moment – to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more.

Thank you. God Bless You. And God Bless the United States of America.

Relaterede poster:

1. Obama tilbage i offensiven med stort oratorisk talent – se hele Obamas tale fra Kongressen
2. Det blev Barack Obama – se hele hans tale fra i nat her
3. Ted Kennedy om Barack Obama: The dream lives on

Han er efter eget udsagn amerikansk litteraturs ‘deamon dog’. Han har altid forestillet sig, at der udenfor regeringskontorerne sad en mand med en mappe og en pistol, klar til at implementere regeringens politik på det lavest mulige niveau. Det er deres historie, han nu har skrevet.

Mange vil kende ham fra bogen og filmen “L.A. Confidential”. Efter den berømmelige LA-kvartet, som kulminerede i den sproglige eksplosion i “White Jazz”, gik Ellroy et markant skridt videre. Egentlig kan LA-kvartetten ses som optakt til det, han nu gik i gang med. Han har nu færdiggjort fortællingen om USA’s historie i efterkrigstiden om. Intet mindre.

James Ellroy’s “Blood’s A Rover” er det sidste bind i en kompleks og omfattende trilogi under fællesbetegnelsen “Underworld USA”. Serien begyndte i 1995 med den sigende titel “American Tabloid”. En hæsblæsende historie om Camelot-æraen med historiske hovedpersoner som Kennedy-brødrene, Howard Hughes, Sam Giancana og ikke mindst J. Edgard Hoover. Men også en historie hvor mænd med lyddæmpede pistoler og knaldhårde næver smadrer cubanere og overvåger blowjobs.

Ellroy introducerede i dette første bind temaet om at skrive den egentlige blodige historie om et USA under fantastisk forandring fra 1960 og frem. Her oplever vi Kennedy’erne føre hemmelig krig mod mafiaen og Castro. Her ser vi hvordan ‘drengene’ i form af Giancana, Marcello og Trafficante spiller deres kort og folk som Hoffa med Hoover som den store altvidende edderkop for enden af spindet. Det er grumt, brutalt og formentlig tættere på virkeligheden end vi vil bryde os om skrevet i en dokumentarisk stil med præcise datoangivelser og indsatte FBI-rapporter. Det hele kulminerer fredag den 22. november 1963 på Dealey Plaza i Dallas. Og lad os bare sige, at vi er med på græshøjen med en riffel.

I det næste bind “The Cold Six Thousand” fra 2001, brager den amerikanske historie videre op igennem et USA igennem hastig forandring i 60′erne. Krigen i Vietnam eskalerer voldsomt, mens heroin fra fjernøsten finansierer ture i blodrus til Cuba. Vampyren Howard Hughes bliver stadigt mere excentrisk på sin vej fra filmbyen Los Angeles til kasinoerne i Las Vegas.

Nu kommer så det sidste bind “Blood’s A Rover”. Det er en om muligt endnu vildere og endnu mere kompliceret historie, der når sin logiske konklusion og forløsning i det 1972, der gav Richard Nixon en jordskredssejr. Ellroy tager fat i juni 1968 efter at først Martin Luther King og dernæst Robert F. Kennedy er blevet myrdet i en eksplosion af vold i det amerikanske samfund. Var det James Earl Ray og Sirhan Sirhan, der stod bag de to mord? Hvad tror du selv?

Som vanligt har vi en række hårdkogte hovedpersoner, hvis historier fletter sig sammen med den store historie og autentiske begivenheder og hovedpersoner. Her kan ”The Prez” pludselig ringe til vores hovedperson Dwight Holly, som også er i tæt kontakt med Gay Edgar Hoover, selvom den gamle tøs er ved at falde af på den.

Plottet er endnu en gang yderst intrigant og fyldt med en række lag og med hadet som vigtig drivkraft. Der er en kort indledning om et yderst professionelt eksekveret røveri i Los Angeles i 1964, hvor en række smaragder og mange millioner af dollars pludselig skiftede hænder. Derfra går trådene til tre mandlige (anti)helte, som hver især hvirvles ind i en hæsblæsende historie, mens hippier danser latterligt forbi, drengene bygger nye casinoer i det caribiske og sorte pantere infiltreres.

Vi har igen fornøjelsen af at følge to af hovedpersonerne fra “The Cold Six Thousand”. Igen møder vi Wayne Tedrow Jr. og Dwight Holly. Tedrow er tidligere politimand med et ganske fortjent ry som hævngerrig nigger-morder. Sammen med hans stedmorder, slog han sin KKK-klovn af en far ihjel med en golfkølle. Tedrow kender Giancana, Marcello og Trafficante, og han forhandler med dem om Howard Hughes’ overtagelse af Las Vegas. Dwight Holly er FBI-agent og kendt som “The Enforcer”. En hård G-man, der kan tænke individuelt, og som er perfekt til at udføre de black-bag operationer, Mr. Hoover får ståpik over. Begge har en historie, der flyder sammen omkring Dallas, Memphis og LA.

Ny ombord er peeperen Don Crutchfield baseret på en virkelig person. Crutchfield leverer kompromitterende fotos, der kan bruges i skilsmissesager. Men en dag kommer han tæt på sager, der brænder ham i ryggen. Og pludselig lever han på Tedrows og Hollys nåde, mens den franske lejesoldat Mesplede er efter ham kæderygende og med evig stå-pik over det store H (som i L’Heroine) og døde Castro-kommunister.

Mænd med brændende historier er velkendt hos Ellroy. Men denne gang introduceres virkelig noget nyt i skikkelse af to meget stærke kvinder Karen Sifakis and Joan Rosen Klein. De er RØØØØDE, og de fanger flossede mænds opmærksomhed. Mænd som Tedrow og Holly, der er moralsk udmattede, og som søger forløsning og frelse i armene på stærke kvinder. Karen og ikke mindst Den Røde Gudinde Joan træder ind på scenen og forandrer det hele. På den måde er ”Blood’s A Rover” en både meget typisk Ellroy-fortælling, samtidig med at den afgørende bryder og afslutter æraen. Man kan nærmest tale om, at Ellroy meget sent i sit forfatterskab introducerer ømheden, frelsen og håbet. Det kommer der af, at hive stærke kvinder på banen! Da Joan træder ind i historien, ændrer sproget sig. Vi har før hos Ellroy haft besættende kvindeskikkelser. Men aldrig så begavede og forjættende som Joan. Det mærkes helt ind i sproget, der nok er fortættet som altid, men serveres med nye nuancer og ømhed.

Uden at røbe hele det komplicerede plot kan vi godt sige, at der på mange måder rundes af og gøres op med en ekstremt blodig epoke i amerikansk moderne historie. En periode hvor landet ændrede sig for altid.

Man skal læse Ellroy for historien. Den er interessant. Metoden opfandt Don DeLillo egentlig med ”Libra”, som viste hvordan man kan skrive omkring en historisk person som Lee Harvey Oswald og ud fra konkret viden ’extrapolere’ den virkelige historie. Det er blot at forbinde de enkelte punkter og tage den derfra. Det er højest underholdende og måske ligefrem lige så oplysende som den officielle historieskrivning.

Men man skal først og fremmest læse Ellroy for sproget. Allerede i LA-kvartetten så man, hvad Ellroy kunne med sproget. Det er fortættet, kort og præcist. Som her:

“Dr. King was a stone commie. Mr. Hoover was a stone Tory. Dr. King fucked women with gusto. Mr. Hoover collected antiques and vintage pornography.”

Der veksles mellem prosa som dette, dagbogsoptegnelser fra Karen eller den sorte politimand Marsh Bowen, afskrifter fra telefonsamtaler og et skiftende perspektiv fra de mandlige hovedpersoner. Det hele flyder sammen over de fire år, hvor historien udspiller sig.

Ellroy kan skrive om “the house that hate bulit” og gå guldstændig agurk over at stave alle ord med en hård c-lyd konsekvent med K som i KKK, you Klown. Det fører også til hysterisk morsomme passager, efterhånden som de samfundsmæssige ændringer slår igennem i sproget, og Mr. Hoover pludselig overtager den sorte slang og begynder at sige ”Tell it like it is” eller ”Right on”. Mr. Hoover har simpelthen hørt for meget Archie Bell:

I USA bliver Ellroy ofte fremhævet for den hårdkogte krimistil, mens han i Europa hyldes for sit sproglige overskud og en helt igennem uforlignelig tilgang til litteraturen. ”Blood’s A Rover” er ikke så innovativt sprudlende som f.eks. ”White Jazz”, men den introducerer helt nye temaer og Ellroy får lukket og forløst det amerikanske mareridt. Den 2. maj 1972 er det slut. Herefter kan vi og Ellroy begynde igen. Historien er mesterligt fortalt. Ellroy er tilbage.

Relaterede poster:

1. Blood’s A Rover – James Ellroy er tilbage med sidste del af Underworld USA trilogien
2. Portræt af James Ellroy – den amerikanske litteraturs deamon dog
3. Løvens smukke brøl – Anmeldelse af Edward M. Kennedys “True Compass”

Relaterede poster:

1. Løvens smukke brøl – Anmeldelse af Edward M. Kennedys “True Compass”
2. Ted Kennedy accepterede altid Warren-rapportens konklusioner – hans memoirer “True Compass” udkommer den 14. septemter
3. Senatet i et minuts stilhed for Ted Kennedy

Ted Kennedys død i august markerede afslutningen af en æra i amerikansk politik. Med hans død sagde vi farvel til en epoke og en familie, der bragte verden håb, tragedier og masser at tale om. På alle fotografier fra den berømte familie står han yderst som den nuttede lillebroder, og han blev i høj grad påvirket og støttet undervejs af hans tre storebrødre, der med tiden alle blev revet væk fra ham. Ved et mirakel var det Ted Kennedy, der som den eneste levede længe nok til at få grå hår, og som i den sidste del af livet blev reddet af en kvinde. En på alle måder smuk historie.

Historien om Kennedy’erne er blevet fortalt utallige gange. Men Ted Kennedy er den første, der for alvor fortæller historien indefra og på afstand. Det giver et noget anderledes og mere interessant perspektiv. Når det angår Kennedy’erne, spiller helt ubekræftede rygter og sladder ofte rollen som historiske fakta. Havde brødrene ikke en affære med Monroe? Tjente Joe Kennedy ikke penge på ulovlig sprut i forbudstiden og havde en affære med Gloria Swanson? Der bliver produceret så meget halløj uden noget hold i virkeligheden, og tv-stationerne slikker dårligt producerede franske ‘dokumentarer’ i sig.

På den baggrund er det befriende at høre historien fra Ted Kennedy selv. Han var med, og han bringer os indenfor i huset i Hyannis Port, hvor vi tror vi har været så mange gange før. Hans portræt af brødrende John og Bobby er både ærligt og meget kærligt. De to står helt naturligt meget centralt i bogen. Det var de brødre, som blev Ted’s helte, og som han gjorde alt for at ‘catche up’ på. Det er intet mindre end hjerteskærende at følge Ted Kennedy og USA op igennem 60′erne, hvor håb bliver til vold og disillusion. Der er kun fire år fra vedtagelsen af borgerretslovene i 1964 til drabene på Martin Luther King og Robert Kennedy i 1968.

“True Compass” giver også et fint og kærligt blik på patriarken Joe Kennedy, som kæmpede sig ud de irske indvandrerkvarterer i Boston, men som aldrig blev en del af det etablerede New England borgerskab. Han og konen Rose opdragede de ni børn til at gøre en forskel. Der var lektier for til middagene, og Ted fik som 14-årig en lektion for livet af faderen:

“You can have a serious life or a nonserious life, Teddy. I’ll still love you whichever choice you make. But if you decide to have a nonserious life, I won’t have much time for you. You make up your mind. There are too many children here who are doing things that are interesting for me to do much with you”.

De læsere der måtte lede efter sladder, bliver skuffede. Men Kennedy kommer dog omkring alle de sager og skandaler, der også prægede hans liv; fra snyd ved spansk eksamen på Harvard over ulykken ved Chappaquiddick og Mary Jo Kopechnes død til drukskandalen i Palm Beach.

Ted var aldrig en helgen, og han var i flere perioder ude i tovene. Ikke mindst efter Robert Kennedys død i 1968:

“In the months and years after Bobby’s death, I tried to stay ahead of the darkness. I drove my car at high speeds; I drove myself in the Senate; I drove my staff; I sometimes drove my capacity for liquor to the limit. . . . I generally managed to keep my public duties and my private anguish separated. Whatever excesses I invented to anesthetize myself, I could almost always put them aside in my role as senator. Almost, but not always.”

Frygten fra et attentat på ham fulgte ham hele livet, ligesom de Secret Service agenter, han fik tildelt. Og frygten var begrundet. Da han i 1980 stillede op mod Carter, havde han vanskeligt ved at deltage ordentligt i primærvalgene pga. det store sikkerhedsopbud, og der er flere historier om tilfælde hvor Ted instinktivt kastede sig til jorden ved høje udstødningslyde.

Ted Kennedy fortæller også om tiden efter mordet i Dallas. Han accepterede altid Warrenrapportens konklusioner, men nævner kort at Robert var meget kritisk overfor FBI, som efter hans mening burde have været på forkant med en afhopper fra Sovjet.

Ted Kennedy har siddet i senatet siden 1962 og han og hans familie har i den grad formet amerikansk politik i efterkrigstiden. At være med på den rejse sammen med Ted Kennedy er både underholdende og lærerigt. Hans portrætter af de skiftende præsidenter er kostelige. Men det er kun Jimmy Carter, han for alvor giver kniven. Stemningen i det demokratiske parti op til valet i 1980 var giftig, og Ted Kennedy har ikke meget godt at sige om den nidkære Carter. Bogen har ikke den store analytiske kraft. Den er mere skrevet med fokus på de gode historier. Analyserne må man finde andetsteds. Til gengæld får man mange gode historier fra en, der var med.

En rød tråd i bogen er Kennedys kamp for en sundhedsreform – en mildest talt aktuel sag. Kennedy har selvfølgelig vidst, at hans bog ville komme ud midt i den debat, og at han ville kunne gøre et sidste afgørende bidrag til en sag, han tog op allerede i 60′erne. Historien om hans søns kamp mod kræften er rørende. Hans søn fik amputeret sit ene ben selv samme dag, som Robert Kennedys ældste datter blev gift. Kennedy nåede at følge hende op ad kirkegulvet lige efter operationen.

Ted Kennedys liv er en meget livsbekræftende historie. Tragedierne står i kø i løbet af hans liv. Men familiens uovertrufne viljefasthed er i sandhed inspirerende. Ted Kennedys liv viser os, at det betaler sig at kæmpe og gøre sig umage. Han kom fra meget priviligerede kår, men han viede sit liv til at gøre en konkret forskel i lovgivningsarbejdet i Washington. Hans memoirer i “True Compass” fortæller den historie på en både rørende og inspirende måde.

Relaterede poster:

1. Ted Kennedy i video om “True Compass”
2. Ted Kennedy accepterede altid Warren-rapportens konklusioner – hans memoirer “True Compass” udkommer den 14. septemter
3. Senatet i et minuts stilhed for Ted Kennedy

Han er amerikansk litteratur ‘deamon dog’. Mange vil kende ham fra bogen og filmen “L.A. Confidential”. Efter den berømmelige LA-kvartet, som kulminerede i den sproglige eksplosion i “White Jazz”, gik Ellroy et markant skridt videre. Egentlig kan LA-kvartetten ses som optakt til det, han nu gik i gang med. Kort og godt satte han sig simpelthen for at skrive USA’s historie i efterkrigstiden om. Intet mindre.

Resultatet er en trilogi under fællesbetegnelsen “Underworld USA”. Det første bind kom i 1995 med den sigende titel “American Tabloid”, der slutter den 22. november 1963 i Dallas. Næste skud i den bøsse var “The Cold Six Thousand” fra 2001, der bragte historien videre op igennem de hæsblæsende 60′ere med heroin fra fjernøsten og medievampyrer i Vegas. Nu kommer så det sidste bind “Blood’s A Rover”, der skal tage os op til Watergate i starten af 70′erne:

“The Cold Six Thousand is the second volume of a projected trilogy…and covers the matrix of American politics and crime from 1963 to 1968; the first, American Tabloid, covers 1958 to 1963; a third will proceed to 1972. You can see exactly where the story’s going: the ’68 election, the Mob’s foreign casino plan, Nixon in office, all that. I’ll stop short of Watergate, because Watergate bores me. It’s [Watergate’s] been done to death. And most of the characters are still alive; thus you can’t use them fictionally.” Fra Wikipedia.

Ellroy er tilbage. Og selvom han har været igennem endnu en turbulent tid, er han lykkeligvis tilbage i vanlig stil:

Relaterede poster:

1. Det amerikanske mareridt forløst – anmeldelse af James Ellroy’s “Blood’s A Rover”
2. Portræt af James Ellroy – den amerikanske litteraturs deamon dog
3. Et sidste farvel til Ted Kennedy og hans brødre på Arlington

“I am not the first President to take up this cause, but I am determined to be the last.”

Det har været nogle ualmindeligt hårde sommermåneder for præsident Barack Obama. Præsidentens ambition om at reformere sundhedssystemet i en langt mere retfærdig retning. Men hans regering og ikke mindst hans person har medført et ualmindelig giftigt politisk miljø i USA. Han er i den grad hadet af det yderste højre, der ser ren og skær socialisme og nazisme i den nye præsident. De synspunkter er meget vanskelige at forstå på vore breddegrader. Men det handler først som sidst om modstanden mod, at det offentlige skal blande sig og regulere menneskers hverdag.

Sundhedsvæsenet er en kompliceret sag. Og i USA er billedet ikke mindre kompliceret med en række blandingsformer og forsikringsordninger. Derfor er det relativt nemt at kæmpe mod en reform af sundhedssystemet, fordi man altid kan finde et enkelt punkt og drive det til ekstremer. Bare tænk på vores egne folkeafstemninger. Men i USA har sommerens debat været helt ude af proportioner med anklager om “death panels” og nazisme.

I nat havde Obama så chancen for at tage initiativet igen. Det var også hårdt tiltrængt. Situationen er den, at han og demokraterne har et overvældende flertal i begge kamre. Et flertal der kan bruges, men også et flertal der bruges bedst i et samarbejde med republikanerne. Nu kan Obama ikke længere lade reformen slingre:

Well the time for bickering is over. The time for games has passed. Now is the season for action. Now is when we must bring the best ideas of both parties together, and show the American people that we can still do what we were sent here to do. Now is the time to deliver on health care.

Hans tale i nat viste Obama, når han er bedst. Klar, præcis og med stor indlevelse. På den måde leverede Obama varen i nat. Om det får overbevist republikanerne, er dog straks mere tvivlsomt. Den konservative del af USA ser stadig den sorte præsident, som noget socialistisk djævelskab. For moderate republikanere (og de er straks mere interessante) er det selvsagt spørgsmålet om den offentlige investering, der bekymrer dem. Her havde Obama er meget, meget klart budskab til amerikanerne:

I will not sign a plan that adds one dime to our deficits – either now or in the future. Period. And to prove that I’m serious, there will be a provision in this plan that requires us to come forward with more spending cuts if the savings we promised don’t materialize. Part of the reason I faced a trillion dollar deficit when I walked in the door of the White House is because too many initiatives over the last decade were not paid for – from the Iraq War to tax breaks for the wealthy. I will not make that same mistake with health care.

En klar udmelding, som formentlig ikke vil få kritikken til at forstumme. Der vil fortsat blive kritik af finansieringen, fordi det forudsættes, at en række rationaliseringer i sig selv vil kunne betale for reformen. Men at Obama vil det reformer, og at der er gode grunde til det, blev forhåbentlig mere tydeligt for amerikanerne.

Det er paradoksalt, at Det Hvide Hus ikke har været mere i offensiven før. Men i går spillede de deres allerbedste kort: Præsidenten. Nu er en ny scene sat for arbejde i Kongressen, og præsidenten har med stor autoritet meldt ud, at der vil ske noget. Det var effektivt og seværdigt at se en stor taler folde sig ud på den helt store scene. Og der blev helt som ventet også plads til en effektiv emotionel henvisning til Ted Kennedy og hans håb om et sundhedssystem, hvor der er plads til alle. En lille smule social retfærdighed. En stor tale.

Læs hele talen her. Og se nogle af reaktionerne herunder:

Læs flere reaktioner her.

Relaterede poster:

1. State of the union – se hele præsident Barack Obamas tale her
2. Det blev Barack Obama – se hele hans tale fra i nat her
3. “Otte år er nok” – se Obamas tale her

Relaterede poster:

1. “The Kennedy Brothers” – en dokumentar af Chris Matthews fra Hardball på MSNBC om Kennedy-brødrene
2. “Meet the Press” i særlig udgave om Ted Kennedy
3. Et sidste farvel til Ted Kennedy og hans brødre på Arlington

Relaterede poster:

1. Ted Kennedy på Meet the Press – 45 år efter
2. “The Kennedy Brothers” – en dokumentar af Chris Matthews fra Hardball på MSNBC om Kennedy-brødrene
3. Ted Kennedy accepterede altid Warren-rapportens konklusioner – hans memoirer “True Compass” udkommer den 14. septemter

Sent lørdag blev senator Ted Kennedy sted til hvile på Arlington kirkegården i Washington. Dermed kommer han til at ligge ved siden af hans to storebrødre, John og Robert. At de alle tre nu er samlet på den berømte heltkirkegård ved Washington var blot et af flere mytiske højdepunkter på en minderig dag. Det var nemlig mere end blot Ted Kennedy, der blev begravet lørdag. På en underlig måde var det alle tre, vi sagde farvel til lørdag. En epoke er endegyldigt slut.

“My brother need not be idealized, or enlarged in death beyond what he was in life; to be remembered simply as a good and decent man, who saw wrong and tried to right it, saw suffering and tried to heal it, saw war and tried to stop it. Those of us who loved him and who take him to his rest today, pray that what he was to us and what he wished for others will some day come to pass for all the world. As he said many times, in many parts of this nation, to those he touched and who sought to touch him:
“Some men see things as they are and say why.
I dream things that never were and say why not.”
- Ted Kennedy til sin bror Robert Kennedys begravelse 8. juni 1968 i St. Patrick’s Cathedral, New York

Lørdag aften deltog jeg i TV2 News’ dækning af begravelsen og talte bl.a. om, at den berømte fakkel nu er givet videre til Obama. Da jeg kørte hjem, slog det mig, at det egentligt beundringsværdige ved Ted Kennedys liv var, at han levede et helt liv med store op- og nedture, og at han undervejs tog ansvar for både sit land og sine nærmeste. Han var et menneske, som trods tragedier af græske dimensioner valgte at gøre en positiv forskel her i verden. Det er mere, end man kan sige om mange af os andre. Når man lever et helt liv som Teddy, bliver man ikke til luftige fantasier om, hvad der kunne være. Man måles på det, man gjorde. Læren fra hans liv er, at vi kan vælge at lægge os ned i selvmedlidenhed, eller vi kan vælge at gøre en indsats, der hvor vi er. Ted Kennedy voksede med opgaven og blev til sidst den store løve i sentatet. Han fandt også kærligheden og lykke i sine sidste år. Man skal kende ham på de kampe, han tog, og den lykke han til sidst fandt som senator og familiemand.

Lørdagens begravelse blev et meget værdigt og mindeværdigt farvel til den sidste af en søskendeflok, der viste os kraften i håbet om, at det nytter noget at arbejde for at gøre verden til et lidt bedre og mere retfærdigt sted. I 1956 skrev John F. Kennedy bogen “Mænd af mod” om otte amerikanske senatorer, der havde modet til at stå ved deres idealer – selv under hård beskydning og med viljen til at betale prisen for deres idealer. Historien om de tre Kennedy-brødre bliver også til historien om, at politik kan være andet end kynisk realpolitik. Og netop dét synes mere relevant end nogensinde.

Blandt talerne i Boston var meget naturligt præsident Barack Obama. På konventet sidste år i Denver overleverede Ted Kennedy faklen til Obama, og det var derfor meget naturligt at netop Obama holdt talen i Boston.

“Today we say goodbye to the youngest child of Rose and Joseph Kennedy. The world will long remember their son Edward as the heir to a weighty legacy; a champion for those who had none; the soul of the Democratic Party; and the lion of the U.S. Senate – a man whose name graces nearly one thousand laws, and who penned more than three hundred himself.”
- Præsident Barack Obama 29. august 2009 i Our Lady of Perpetual Help Basilica i Boston.

Visit msnbc.com for Breaking News, World News, and News about the Economy

Læs hele præsidentens tale her.

Lørdag var et farvel til en generation og en epoke. Der kommer nok aldrig igen en familie som dem. Håbet må være, at vi kan tage det bedste fra dem som idealet om, hvad politik burde være.

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1. Ted Kennedy accepterede altid Warren-rapportens konklusioner – hans memoirer “True Compass” udkommer den 14. septemter
2. “The Kennedy Brothers” – en dokumentar af Chris Matthews fra Hardball på MSNBC om Kennedy-brødrene
3. “Meet the Press” i særlig udgave om Ted Kennedy

Mange vil kende historien om de tre brødre, men den er godt fortalt her inden for en time. Chris Matthews har særlig et fint blik for Kennedy’ernes kampagner og historien om kampagnen i 1960 er rigtig godt fortalt. Ligeledes har han en fint blik for Robert Kennedys berømte kampagne i 1968. Og det kontrafaktiske spørgsmål: Hvad hvis Robert ikke var blevet skudt i 1968? Slut med Vietnam, og ingen Nixon og Watergate? Verden havde nok set anderledes ud i dag, hvis det ikke var for Sirhan Sirhan. Endelig er der fine klip med Ted fra 70′erne. Det er koncentreret amerikansk samtidshistorie. Se alle afsnit her:

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Relaterede poster:

1. Ted Kennedy accepterede altid Warren-rapportens konklusioner – hans memoirer “True Compass” udkommer den 14. septemter
2. “Meet the Press” i særlig udgave om Ted Kennedy
3. Et sidste farvel til Ted Kennedy og hans brødre på Arlington

Watch CBS Videos Online

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De amerikanske medier er selvsagt fyldt med historier og mindeudsendelser om Ted Kennedy. Her kan anbefales en time fra NPR. Klik på play-knappen og hør udsendelsen direkte:

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1. “The Kennedy Brothers” – en dokumentar af Chris Matthews fra Hardball på MSNBC om Kennedy-brødrene
2. Et sidste farvel til Ted Kennedy og hans brødre på Arlington
3. Den store liberale løve sover nu – Ted Kennedy er død 77 år gammel

Der var i de tidlige år mange historier om Teddys manglende evner og lettere fjollede fremtoning. Da han stillede op til Senatet i 1962, mens hans ene storebror var præsident og den anden justitsminister, bakkede hele klanen ham op. Men han viste med tiden, at netop han kunne stå på egne ben og føre historien videre som eneste tilbageværende af de fire sønner.

Vel var det John og Robert Kennedy, der indgød nationen håb og drømme. Men det var Edward Kennedy, der med en utrættelig indsats i Washington kæmpede for et mere socialt retfærdigt USA. Han var den store liberale løve, der fra 1980 for alvor brød ud af brødrenes sakrosante skygge og etablerede sin unikke position i Senatet.

For blot et par dage siden udtalte senator John McCain, at sundhedsreformen led under Ted Kennedys sygdom. Der manglede simpelhen hans erfaring og finesse for at få et stort kompromis igennem.

Det er skæbnens ubehagelige ironi, at Ted Kennedy ikke nåede at opleve vedtagelsen af den sundhedsreform, der næsten blev hans livsværk. Oplev ham f.eks. her fra 1980 i New York efter han havde udfordret den siddende præsident Jimmy Carter – og tabt:

At netop Kennedy kæmpede så indædt for en sundhedsreform vil uden tvivl få betydning i de kommende uger, og vil forhåbentlig betyde mere åndfuld vind i sejlene til en noget vaklende præsident.

Da han kastede hele Kennedy-familiens glans på Obama sidste år, var det en af de afgørende faktorer, der tippede vægtskålen til fordel for den nye unge senator, der ville ændre Amerika. Om Obama sagde senator Kennedy:

“This November the torch will be passed again to a new generation of Americans . . . With Barack Obama, and for you and for me, our country will be committed to his cause. The work begins anew. The hope rises again. And the dream lives on.”

For nylig døde storesøster Eunice, og med Ted Kennedys død kan vi nu sige endegyldigt farvel til en generation, som forandrede den nation, flere af dem gav deres liv for. Uagtet alle sladderhistorierne og myten om familien kæmpede John, Robert og Edward for en bedre og mere retfærdig verden. Nu sover den store liberale løve for altid. Vi må håbe, at faklen er bragt videre til en ny generation af politikere. Svaret får vi om kort tid, når Obama med en historisk mulighed skal have sundhedsreformen igennem Kongressen.

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1. Et sidste farvel til Ted Kennedy og hans brødre på Arlington
2. “The Kennedy Brothers” – en dokumentar af Chris Matthews fra Hardball på MSNBC om Kennedy-brødrene
3. Se dokumentar fra CBS: “Ted Kennedy: The Last Brother”

Se også DR2′s Temalørdag fra den 22. noveber 2003 her.

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3. Dokumentar fra Temalørdag om Mordet på JFK den 22. november 2003

Programmet er tilrettelagt af Ole Retsbo og er vitterlig en af de bedste fremstillinger af sagen indenfor en time, som jeg har set. Det skal jeg selvfølgelig sige, for jeg var selv med i den i sin tid!

Men Retsbo har virkelig gjort et rigtig godt stykke arbejde, og han har indenfor en time samlet mange vigtige klip og mange væsentlige aktører. Nyd den her fra Youtube:

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I disse dage er det fyrre år siden medlemmer af Manson-familien stormede ind i et hus i Los Angeles og myrdede skuespilleren Sharon Tate og fire andre i hendes og Roman Polanskis hus. Dagen efter myrdede de ægteparret LaBianca på bestialsk måde og skrev “Helter Skelter” i blod på køleskabet på vejen ud af deres hus. Nogle af de mest blodige mord i Los Angeles’ historie.

Historien om Manson-familien er en af de mest uhyggelige, jeg nogensinde har læst. Men det er også historien om en aften i august 1969, hvor 60′ernes drømme om frihed og alternativer døde endegyldigt i et vanvittigt orgie af blod. Manson og hans familie slog endegyldigt 60′erne ihjel og viste den helt igennem frygtelige vrangside af 60′ernes drøm.

Mange betragter Charles Manson som den inkarnerede ondskab. Han samlede en kult omkring sig i 60′ernes USA, men inkarnerede snarere den fundamentale ændring fra hippiernes drømme i 1967 til den voldelige virkelighed få år efter. Manson var ingen hippie, men han formåede at misbruge kulturen til at udnytte triste unge skæbner, der ledte efter en smule at hænge fast i. Det var tider for opbrud, og med Manson eksploderede det hele i et voldsorgie.

Stofferne ændrede opfattelsen af virkeligheden, og den kriminelle Charles Manson med de store kunstnerambitioner vendte sin frustration til en vanvittig vision om et “Helter Skelter”. En mareridtsudgave af 60′ernes frihedsdrømme udlevet med blodige knive i hånden.

Jeg læste for mange år siden anklager Vincent Bugliosis bog “Helter Skelter“, som beskriver sagen. Det er uden sammenligning den mest uhyggelige bog, jeg nogensinde har læst. Men den kan anbefales i denne anledning.

Manson blev oprindelig dødsdømt, men slap med livet i behold, da hans dom blev omstødt til en livstidsdom. Siden er han blevet symbolet på 60′ernes vrangside og inkarneret ondskab. En rolle han ikke har problemer med at spille. Han sidder stadig inde sammen med hans kvindelige mordere.

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Her på siderne er vi umådeligt glade for Tim Russert fra NBC, der både i 2000 og 2004 havde helt ret i sine forudsigelser om de afgørende svingstater.

I går var Russert helt klar i spyttet: Obama har vundet. Færdig punktum. Clinton har nu heller ikke momemtum, selvom hun selvsagt vil fortsætte med at påvirke de superdelegerede. Men med tanke på at demokraterne efterhånden har kørt sig selv godt ned under guldtæppet, vil presset på hende nu vokse voldsomt internt i partiet. En lykkelig udgang kunne blive, at hun bliver Obamas vice-præsident. Men efterhånden har de to kørt en så indædt kamp, at det kan blive vanskelig at forene alle kræfterne igen.

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Han insisterer på at blive kaldt ‘dog’. Hans egen hund er opkaldt efter en af de gennemgående skurke i hans egne bøger.

Han skriver om bestialske forbrydelser, mord, korruption og politik som forbrydelse. Han skriver om mennesker, der er besatte. Besatte af sex, penge, magt, hævn, had og kærlighed.

Hans mor blev myrdet, da han var 10 år. Mordet er fortsat uopklaret. Ligesom mordet på ‘Sorte Dahlia’, som var temaet for hans store gennembrudsroman af samme navn fra 1987.

Han har sat sig for at genfortælle USA’s moderne historie i romanform, og han er først lige begyndt.

Hush-Hush i Hollywood

James Ellroy blev for alvor verdenskendt, da hans bog ‘LA Confidential’ i 1997 blev filmatiseret af Curtis Hanson. Filmen blev en kunstnerisk og publikumsmæssig succes, og den indbragte bl.a. Kim Bassinger en Oscar for bedste kvindelige birolle.

Ifølge Ellroy indeholder filmen ca. 20% af bogens handling. Men selv en Ellroy Light var nok til at tryllebinde publikum med en film, der gav den litterære og filmiske noir-genre helt nyt liv. Ironisk nok havde Ellroy på det tidspunkt for længst forladt noir og kriminallitteraturen som genre.

‘LA Confidential’ er imidlertid ikke noget dårligt sted at starte, hvis man vil ombord på Ellroys eksprestog gennem USA’s historie. I bogen fra 1990 kommer man som læser ned i de mest smertelige lag af den amerikanske underbevidsthed, hvor alle helte præges af indre dæmoner, og hvor tæppet endegyldigt rives af Hollywoods drøm om morgenstund med stjerner i mund. Her står den på porno og politivold ad libitum.

Som noget ganske usædvanligt for de fleste forfattere er Ellroy faktisk meget glad for filmatiseringen af hans egen bog. Et typisk eksempel på den bevidst kontrærere og usnobbede attitude, der kendetegner Ellroy.

Hovedstolen helt fortæret

Per Højholt har vist nok sagt, at man som forfatter ikke skal begynde at spise af den litterære hovedstol. Man skal med andre ord ikke spise direkte af det personlige erindringsstof. I stedet bør man leve fedt af renterne.

Den slags skandinavisk afholdenhed med reference til realkreditten bider naturligvis ikke på en forfatter som James Ellroy.

Ellroy har aldrig været i en situation, hvor der er plads til litterære meta-overvejelser. I stedet har han skrevet derudaf som de besatte karakterer, der gennemsyrer hans bøger. Hovedstolen er blevet ædt op fra start til slut. Og det er det ikke blevet mindre interessant af.

Ellroy har meget mediebevidst brugt sin egen opvækst som fixpunkt for hans bøger og myten om ham som en hund fra helvede.

Det skete ikke mindst med bogen ‘My Dark Places’ fra 1996, hvor han uden mindste sentimentalitet fortæller om det smertelige og endnu uopklarede mord på hans mor, om tiden med en hustler af en far i Californiens skyggesider og ikke mindst om hans egen pubertet og ungdom, hvor han påvirket af dårlige stoffer brød ind i huse for at sniffe til trusser på forladte pigeværelser. En menneskelig deroute, der har givet brændstof til et ukunstlet forfatterskab.

Dahlia og Dudley

Redningen i dette mareridt var en blanding af pulp fiction og virkelige mordhistorier fra efterkrigstidens Hollywood. Ikke mindst det bestialske mord på pigen kendt som ‘Sorte Dahlia’. Den historie kunne ikke slippe den besatte Ellroy, og da han i 1987 endelig fik skrevet den historie ud med romanen af samme navn, tog hans forfatterskab for alvor fart.

Ellroy har selv nævnt, at han ikke betragter bogen som nogen større anstrengelse. Kort og godt handler den jo blot om Los Angeles og hans besættelse af mordet på ‘Sorte Dahlia’.

Men bogen var et be-bop swingende nybrud, hvor en forfatter fandt sit sprog og den såkaldte ‘LA-kvartet’blev grundlagt. Fire bøger der gradvist ophæver sig selv og sit eget emne og til sidst lader kriminalhistoriens sprog opløse sig selv i små hårdkogte sætninger.

Lige i rap kom ‘The Black Dahlia’ i 1987 efterfulgt af ‘The Big Nowhere’året efter, ‘LA Confidential’i 1990 og endelig mesterværket ‘White Jazz’fra 1992. For hver bog blev sætningerne kortere og personerne mere afstumpede.

Den gennemgående figur for alle fire bøger er politimanden Dudley Smith, der først optræder som en ærgerrig bifigur, men som undervejs indtager sin naturlige plads som den gennemkorrumperede politimand, der i virkeligheden styrer både drifter, narko og politifolk i et samfund i opløsning. Han er en af de mest uhyggelige skikkelser i kriminallitteraturen, og selv flere velplacerede pistolskud i den afsluttende roman formår ikke at tage livet af denne sande djævelske hund.

Fra noir til Vietnam

Med kvartetten slog Ellroy sig endegyldigt igennem på den litterære stjernehimmel med filmkontrakter og gæsteoptræden som kommentator på det demokratiske konvent. I en tid med blowjobs i Det Hvide Hus, var Ellroy manden at hive ind. Hans univers har indhentet en virkelighed, hvor Paris Hilton er en af de mest omtalte skikkelser. Verden er blevet Ellroys.

Men Ellroy ville mere efter kvartetten. I midten af 90′erne satte han sig simpelthen for at skrive USA’s historie i efterkrigstiden om. Intet mindre. Resultatet er en trilogi under fællesbetegnelsen ‘Underworld USA’. Det første bind kom i 1995 med den sigende titel ‘American Tabloid’. Næste skud i den bøsse var ‘The Cold Six Thousand’fra 2001, og nu venter vi så bare på sidste bind, der skal tage os op til Watergate i starten af 70′erne.

Med hans succes kunne Ellroy nu tage fat på nye emner og ansætte researchere, der kunne sikre, at de grundlæggende fakta var på plads. ‘Underworld USA’ er derfor en fortælling om USA, hvor skelettet udgøres af virkelige mennesker og begivenheder, men hvor Ellroy uden om det tilføjer et persongalleri og en handling, der vil tage pusten fra de fleste. Det flyder igen med heroin, strippere og golfspillende gangstere. Og hvis man troede at ‘The Aviator’ var det retmæssige billede af Howard Hughes. kan man glæde sig til at læse Ellroys portræt af denne mormomelskende vampyr.

Den nye Dudley Smith er utvivlsomt virkelighedens skurk FBI-direktør J. Edgar Hoover, som er med hele vejen, og som med sine notater og telexer styrer en underverden af gangstere, finansmænd og FBI-agenter i opløsning.

I ‘American Tabloid’kulminerer det hele i Dallas den 22. november 1963, hvor Ellroy elegant får samlet alle tråde og placeret en personkreds af mafiabetalte lejemordere omkring mordet på præsident Kennedy. Det er djævelsk godt gjort.

Grumsede hjerter i en beskidt verden

Der er ikke mange helte i Ellroys univers. Selv de mest oplagte helte har en ladeport af tøjlesløst begær og synd i sig. Det ikke blot antydes. Det er sådan.

For Ellroy er det et bevidst opgør med dyrkelsen af det ensomme geni hos mange af de mere traditionelle krimiforfattere. Her er fandeme ingen kønsforskrækket Poirot. Her kneppes, myrdes og skydes heroin efter alle kunstens regler.

Til gengæld har Ellroys bøger måske nogle af de mest interessante portrætter af gennemkorrumperede og voldelige hvide mænd, som midt i en sammenstyrtende verden formår at hive menneskelige ressourcer og normer frem fra et ramponeret indre. Det er det håb, Ellroy giver os med Bud White i ‘LA Confidential’ og med den måske mest interessante figur Pierre Bondurant fra ‘Underworld USA’ trilogien.

Det gennemgående tema i den første af de to bøger ‘American Tabloid’er brodermordet. Det kan specielt Bondurant tale med om. Ved en fejltagelse har han nemlig myrdet sin egen lillebror, da han alligevel var ved at likvidere en anden personkreds.

Nu finder han beskæftigelse som håndlanger for mafiaen, Hughes, Hoover og den amerikanske efterretningstjeneste, der pløkker cubanere og vietnamesere, mens de skovler penge ind på asiatisk produceret heroin, der afsættes i sorte kvarterer. Midt i dette amerikanske ragnarok elsker Bondurant en indtagende stripper, der også knepper med John F. Kennedy i et speget overvågningsspil.

Bondurant er skræmmende på enhver måde. Men der er også et strejf af noget formidlende over ham, som faktisk sender ham i retning af at gøre noget godt i et spil, der går ham over hovedet, og som undervejs tager livet af en hel del uskyldige mennesker inklusive Martin Luther King, der først skal nakkes, når han taler imod den amerikanske fattigdom og engagementet i Vietnam.

Ellroy selv blev først rigtig skræmt over Bondurant, da han fandt ud af, at hans kone var en smule vild med denne canadiske vildbasse.

Bondurant er også rent sprogligt en af de mest interessante figurer i Ellroys univers. Hans canadiske ophav og hans engagement i både Cuba of Vietnam gør nemlig, at man får en skønlig blanding af fransk, amerikansk, vietnamenisk og spansk. Ofte det hele på en gang i samme sætning. Det er vildt, eksplosivt og fortættet i hver eneste sætning.

Mens vi venter på sidste bind i trilogien har Ellroy bebudet, at han også arbejder på en bog om Hardings præsidentperiode. En tid med helt åbenlys korruption i Det Hvide Hus. Virkeligheden er Ellroys, og den er både djævelsk og underholdende.

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